Tensions Rise as Azerbaijan Demands Constitutional Changes — Armenia Pushes Back with Facts and Urges Peace Deal Now
- The Armenian Report Team
- 2 days ago
- 4 min read

At a high-level diplomatic forum in Antalya, Turkish Riviera, a tense discussion took place between Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov. The central topic? A controversial peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
After decades of hostility, wars, and Azerbaijani occupation, Armenia has declared that the peace agreement is ready for signing. Minister Mirzoyan emphasized that although the text may not answer every question, it marks an unprecedented and significant turning point.

“We have agreed on the text. This agreement recognizes each other’s territorial integrity based on the borders at the time of the Soviet Union's dissolution,” Mirzoyan said. “It is not perfect, but it is a solid starting point for peace.”
In a calm but firm tone, Minister Mirzoyan made it clear that Armenia’s focus is on building a peaceful and cooperative future—not revisiting the tragic and complicated past.
“If we start arguing about which territory belonged to whom 100 years ago or who suffered more, we will only restart the conflict,” he said. “Our government and our people want peace—lasting peace.”
Mirzoyan’s message was one of hope, but also one of urgency. He reminded the audience that peace cannot wait forever. He expressed concern that constantly raising new obstacles—like constitutional questions—could turn the peace process into a never-ending circle.

One of the main sticking points for Azerbaijan is Armenia’s Constitution. Azerbaijan claims that Armenia’s Constitution refers to Karabakh (Artsakh) as part of Armenia, and that unless this is changed, peace is impossible. Minister Bayramov argued that the Constitution’s reference to Armenia’s 1990 Declaration of Independence indirectly contains territorial claims on Azerbaijan.
But Minister Mirzoyan responded with clarity and transparency:
“Our Constitution is a public document. There is nothing in it that says Karabakh is part of Armenia,” he explained. “Yes, the preamble references our Declaration of Independence. But legally, only the parts quoted in the body of the Constitution have legal force—and the sentence Azerbaijan is concerned about is not included.”
He added that Armenia’s Constitutional Court—the only authority that can legally interpret Armenia’s Constitution—already ruled that the peace agreement aligns with the Constitution, particularly in regard to recognizing borders based on the Alma-Ata Declaration.
“If we sign this treaty, it will again go to our Constitutional Court,” he said. “If the Court confirms that the document is in line with our Constitution, then this issue is legally solved.”
Mirzoyan stressed again and again that peace is not just a legal issue—it is a matter of political will and responsibility.
“We have a choice: wait for another 200 years for things to become ‘irreversible,’ or start building peace brick by brick today,” he said. “We choose cooperation—but we cannot cooperate alone. There must be a willing neighbor on the other side.”
He also reminded the forum that peace agreements are never perfect. They are starting points, not final answers. That’s why the current peace draft includes a bilateral commission to discuss ongoing and future issues—including disagreements about how the agreement is interpreted.
The Armenian people, according to Mirzoyan, are still feeling the pain of recent war and forced deportation. While their government repeatedly speaks about peace, openness, and regional cooperation, they continue to hear threats from Azerbaijan—on TV, from MPs, and in public speeches.
“People feel vulnerable. They hear our peace proposals and then they hear threats from Azerbaijan about using force or not recognizing our territorial integrity,” Mirzoyan said. “How can you build trust like that?”
He argued that the best way to remove those threats is to sign the agreement, open the borders, and begin cooperation—especially on transit, trade, and energy.
In a very specific example, he shared a proposal made by Armenia to Azerbaijan: allow mutual access to each other's railway networks, using modern technology to ensure safe, secure, and efficient transportation of goods. Armenia even suggested avoiding physical inspections, using electronic systems instead. But so far, he said, no response has come from Baku.
Minister Bayramov remained skeptical. He insisted that unless Armenia changes or removes references to its 1990 Declaration of Independence, the peace deal will not hold. He also said that any peace agreement must comply with each country’s Constitution and warned that without constitutional changes, the deal could be “null and void.”
He questioned why, if Armenia was truly concerned about Azerbaijan’s Constitution, it had not raised the issue earlier.
Mirzoyan replied with diplomacy but firmness:
“We are not pretending to want peace. We are doing everything to achieve it,” he said.
“We’ve made our proposals. We’re ready to dissolve the Minsk structures. We’re ready to sign the agreement tomorrow. But peace needs two signatures.”
Throughout the discussion, Mirzoyan made it clear that Armenia is not just thinking about Azerbaijan. Georgia, Turkey, and the wider region all have a role to play. He spoke of energy corridors, aerial connectivity, and building a regional platform for peace, trade, and innovation.
“We live in the 21st century,” he said. “We cannot wait for the winds of history to change. We must create those winds. Armenia is ready.”
Armenia has made its choice clear. The Armenian government is ready to move forward, ready to sign, and ready to cooperate. What remains to be seen is whether Azerbaijan—and the region—will meet them halfway.
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